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| A Typically Dutch Guard - 'The Night Watch' by Rembrandt |
The Border Guard
Erasing national borders does not make people safer or more
prosperous.
It undermines democracy and trades away prosperity.
- president Donald Trump
A proper political positioning of the patriotic-identitarian movement
in the present European predicament of imploding state sovereignty
and escalating ethnic replacement requires a constant awareness of
its true raison d’être. Its right to exist is fundamentally
dependent on its primary function as the ‘border guard’ of the
European peoples: at the present height of ‘deconstructive’
postmodernity this function has devolved on the
patriotic-identitarian movement faute de mieux. The postmodern
disintegration of all traditional forms of authentic auctoritas
results in the fading away of all those borders that were
previously recognized as universally appropriate to human experience
and endeavour. The primary characteristic of postmodern ‘Culture
Nihilism’ - the soixante-huitard ideology of militant
secularism, social-darwinism, narcissist hyper-individualism and
doctrinaire cultural-relativism - can be described as totalitarian
levelling.i
Driven by the sadomasochistic dynamics of psycho-historical
feminisation, Culture Nihilism is gradually undermining and
destroying all forms of political sovereignty, economic autarky,
national identity, social structure, cultural originality and
religious polarity: it is displacing and removing the ancient
landmarks of Western civilization.
The only reliable remedy for the downward Umwertung aller Werte
resulting from this all-levelling devolution is an ontological
and epistemological correction of historically unprecedented scope -
realizing this corrective ‘Archaeo-Futurist Revolution’ is the
prime objective of the patriotic-identitarian movement.ii
Under the aegis of the contemporary Culture Nihilist ‘New World
Order’ only a few fixed power poles and fixed reference points
remain available to this movement. Undoubtedly, the most important
remaining power pole is the slowly emerging ‘anti-thalassocratic’
block: this conglomerate of anti-globalist nation-states -
consolidating itself around Russia, reborn from the ashes of
Bolshevism, and China, reborn from imperialist slavery - is currently
expanding into the ‘illiberal’ states of Central Europe.
Undoubtedly, the most important reference point is the meta-political
discourse of (Neo-)Eurasianism, providing an alternative worldview
characterized by geopolitical multi-polarity and a Traditionalist
reference frame.iii
The Eurasianist School is offering the rapidly expanding Western
patriotic-identitarian movement a ‘fixed pole’ in its efforts to
achieve a meta-political shift within the heartland of globalist
Culture Nihilism: the (Western) European Atlantic Rim and the
overseas Anglosphere. Within the same reference frame, this essay
aims at pointing out the importance for the Western movement of a
recent publication by Eurasianism’s foremost thinker: Alexander
Dugin’s ‘The Solar Hounds of Russia’, dedicated to the
Traditionalist concept of the ‘Guardian of the Threshold’.
Dugin’s essay contains a number of important lessons for the
Western patriotic-identitarian movement - the next paragraph will,
therefore, introduce a few quotes from Dugin’s text, with some
added remarks to elucidate its philosophical and Traditionalist
context.iv
The Guardian of the Threshold
Thou shalt not remove thy neighbour’s landmark,
which they of old time have set in thine inheritance,
which thou shalt inherit in the land that the Lord thy God giveth
thee to possess it.
- Deuteronomy 19:14
Dugin starts with a closer inspection of the concept of ‘the
border’: The border circumscribes the State. It describes the
State. In being its boundary, it determines the State.
Every thing [that it] is, ....it [owes] to
its borders. After all, it is they that separate it from other
thing[s]. This distinction carries the most important meaning of the
concept of the border, not just for international law, defence
doctrine, or the structuring of a country’s armed forces, but also
for philosophy as such. The border is not just an instrument of
philosophy, but its essence, seeing as the highest philosophical
concept - transcendence, in Latin literally means ‘that what lies
on the far side of the border’. Thus, the border may be said to
separate the immanent sphere, i.e. what is visible and material, from
the transcendent sphere, i.e. from what is invisible and immaterial,
because ‘that what lies beyond’ is necessary opaque - alien in
the most profound sense of the word. The border externally
reflects that which lies inside it, while simultaneously confining
the essence of the thing in its confrontation with other things. The
border is something sacred. The ancient Greeks knew a special god,
Terminus, whose name meant ‘limit’, ‘border’. This was not
just the guardian-deity of borders, but a ‘border-deity’, a kind
of special, sacred concept that played a central role in the
worldviews of the ancient Indo-European peoples. Dugin analyzes
‘the border’ in a doubly philosophical and metaphysical sense.
Philosophically, he analyzes ‘the border’ in terms of Heidegger’s
specialized time (the bounded time-horizon of Kulturkreisen)
and specialized space (the sheltering spatial horizon of Blut
und Boden): there, ‘the border’ is an absolute precondition
for every authentic form of world-historical culture. Metaphysically,
he analyzes ‘the border’ in terms of Traditionalist symbolism:
....there also exists the important concept of the ‘Guardian of
the Threshold’, a special being that is located at the intersection
of two worlds: the beyond and the present, the vulgar and subtle,
that of life and that of death, the waking world and the dreaming
world. This is the very same ancient Terminus, with only slight
modifications. Terminus separates chaos from order by imposing
and enforcing rational structures. As a manifestation of a
superhuman, divine principle, ‘the border’ is the foundation of
all authentic civilizations - even of all authentic thought systems.
In this sense, there the ‘Guardian of the Threshold’ is the
archetype of the border guard: [b]order guards are not just a type
of soldier, but [rather possessed of] a kind of special, sacred
quality. They are the modern adepts of the extremely ancient cult of
the god Terminus.
Borders exist at every level: even [a] tribe or lineage has its
territorial, cultural, linguistic etc. borders. These borders widen,
stretching themselves out to the concepts ‘people’, ‘nation’,
‘state’. Finally, the highest form of a state is the Empire. Its
borders are enormous, they include the maximum possible number of
natural human organisations: it has a place for tribes, lineages,
cultures, religions, nations, ethn[icities], and, in some cases, it
can even accommodate likenesses of independent states (provinces,
dominions etc.). As a form of state, the Empire is the highest
category, comparable to the most sacred and all-encompassing
gnoseological concepts such as ‘God’, ‘Truth’, ‘Good’
etc. This is why the concept of the ‘Sacred Empire’ is so
durable. ...Based on the direct link between the sacred spirit
of Empire and its borders, military units of border guards (warriors
who were charged with the protection of the far reaches of the state)
were formed in traditional civilisations. This link can be seen...
clearly in... [k]nightly [o]rders... [such as] the Templars, warrior
monks and bearers of a special, universal knowledge. Such
orders ...defended sacred civilisation from streams of
decomposition and sickness. It was this that was the goal of
Alexander the Great’s ‘iron wall’. The very same symbolism
forms the foundation of the Great Wall of China, as well as the
[Limes] on the northern borders of the Roman Empire. When the
[o]rde[r] of the border guards disintegrates, the foundations of
imperial unity are undermined, the forces of chaos infiltrate
civilisation, and, finally, a new collapse and [a new]Babylonian
mixing of the tongues begin. The fall of the Empire is the
catastrophe of the order of the border guards (in the physical as
well as magical sense). A symbolic expression of the ‘Guardian
of the Threshold’ is found in the Traditionalist symbolism of the
dog: Anubis in Ancient Egypt and Cerberus in Ancient Greece.
There, the dog symbol is ...tightly linked [to] the idea of the
border in a wide sense, including in the metaphysical dimension:
The dog guards the house, all the while located at the edge of the
internal and the external. This animal is the incarnation of the
‘Guardian of the Threshold’: [it has] an occult character, whose
mission is the safekeeping of the self-sameness of [what it
guards]. Even as a house is not safe without a dog, so a
state is not safe without a border guard.
The fall of Empire is not just a socio-political catastrophe. It
is a spiritual disaster. Along with the contraction of the borders, a
collapse of the life-giving organic idea takes place. The highest
philosophical spheres are struck. The parts lose their understanding
of belonging to the whole, fall away from the life-giving centre, die
off, and degenerate. The fall of the borders is the fall of concepts,
ideas, a mental muddling. The fall signifies blood and the mixing of
tongues. It is a deep catastrophe of the holy figure of the border
guard. The forces of hell infiltrate the nation; the thief makes his
way into the house; strife and numbness assault peoples. ...The
chaos of spiritual night descends unto the Empire’s people. ... The
end of Empire is evil, manifesting itself in the destruction of
borders. ... The fall of the borders is directly provoking a crisis
of philosophy. The chaos of the Gog and Magog penetrates the mind.
Idiots head the country’s government. The bastion of the spirit has
fallen. It is this same terrifying vision that permeates Jean
Raspail’s novel Le camp des saints (1973): it describes the
final apocalyptic assault of barbarian hordes on the last citadels of
Western civilization after the borders of the West are abandoned.
Dugin’s vision is undoubtedly inspired by the historical trauma of
the recent downfall of the Russian ‘Soviet’ (‘Eastern Roman’)
empire - a downfall that seems to eerily prefigure the imminent
downfall of the Atlanticist ‘New World Order’ (‘Western Roman’)
empire. To those Westerners that are currently living through the
Merkel-Macron years of the ‘great betrayal of the borders’ with
their eyes and ears still open, Dugin’s concluding sentences are
food for thought: The gates of hell are open. Hordes of enemies
pour in through the crack in the Great Wal... All is lost. But the
abandoned, betrayed, lonely and forgotten border guards of the Empire
carry on their duty at far-flung posts. Islands of order lost in
chaos, now meaningless guardians of the remains of a once truly Great
Wall.
Dugin’s analysis of the double physical and metaphysical postmodern
assault on Christian civilization - an assault that he interprets in
a double geopolitical and eschatological sense as the ‘Last War of
the World-Island’ - is essentially Traditionalist in the sense that
it bears a direct relation to the analysis of la crise du
monde moderne by the founding father of the Traditional School,
René Guénon. A direct link between the two may be found in Julius
Evola’s analysis of la regressione delle caste, which
views the rise of the deconstructive forces of Modernity as a
function of the decline of the constructive forces of Tradition, i.e.
of the fatal weakening of Tradition. In this regard, it is
important to note that Evola predicts the eventual total fading of
the Guardian of the Threshold: A highly significant legend in
this regard is that of the people of Gog and Magog, who symbolize
chaotic and demonic forces that are held back by traditional
structures. According to this legend, these people attack when they
realize that there is no longer anybody blowing the trumpets on that
wall upon which an imperial type had previously arrested their siege
and that it was only the wind that produced the sounds they were
hearing.v
‘Voyage au bout de la nuit’
Mon Dieu ayez pitié de ce pauvre peuple
- William the Silent
For the peoples of the West - here provisionally defined as the
peoples of Western Europe and the overseas Anglosphere - the tangible
consequences of the fading of the Guardian of the Threshold are now
increasingly intruding into all spheres of life. Over the last
decades, these consequences have come to affect, first slowly now
rapidly, not only public and professional life, but also private and
domestic life. Elsewhere, the author has briefly summarized this
acceleration for his native country, the Netherlands.vi
Western civilization is approaching its meta-historic ‘event
horizon’. The real-time consequences of the invasion of ‘Gog and
Magog’ (mass-immigration and Umvolkung) and the descent into
demonic chaos (matriarchal-xenophile anarchy and oikophobe-demophobe
‘idiocracy’) are clear for all to see. The direct confrontation
with the civilizational abyss that follows der Untergang des
Abendlandes is now causing discomfort even within the
cognitively-dissonant ‘comfort zone’ bubble of the Western
elites. In the Netherlands this discomfort is cautiously translating
itself into a neoconservative-libertarian political opposition:
‘alt-light’ spin-off ‘Forum for Democracy’ (Dutch: Forum
voor Democratie, FVD) has recently entered the political arena.vii
Over the last decennia, the Western elites have silently accepted the
loss of state sovereignty, border control, inner cities and
indigenous socio-cultural life forms - these were necessary
sacrifices to facilitate their own ‘tactical retreat’ into
neo-capitalist privilege. Throughout the West, the hopeless
rear-guard action of the ‘common people’ against neoliberal
dispossession and ethnic replacement was left to a handful of
supposedly ‘extreme right’ and ‘populist’ dissenters. In the
Netherlands, these dissenters have maintained an intermittent but
significant presence in the parliamentary arena. The failure of the
severely persecuted ‘Centre Party’ (Dutch: Centrum Partij,
1980-86) was followed by the meteoric rise of the charismatic leader
Pim Fortuyn until his assassination on the eve of the 2002 elections.
The mantle of ‘populist’ leadership has since passed to Geert
Wilders, heading the Party for Freedom (Dutch: Partij voor de
Vrijheid, PVV, since 2006) and standing up for the severely
restricted rights of the indigenous ‘common people’ of the
Netherlands. At long last, however, the impact of globalist Umvolkung
and neoliberal ‘disaster capitalism’ is now also starting to
affect (parts of) the Western elites itself: as the deluge of
barbarian invasion, societal chaos and matriarchal anarchy reaches
the gates of the proud towers of the financial, academic and artistic
elites, latent self-doubt and simple cold fear are causing the first
cracks to appear in the politically-correct consensus. An instinctive
and existential Angst is starting to creep into the elitist
bubble of cognitive dissonance - it is this Angst that allows
FVD leader Thierry Baudet to cautiously re-visit the long-lost
archetypes of the ‘border guard’: he can now openly talk of
re-instituting guard houses, gate fences and patrol dogs. But the
political value of revisiting these archetypes - hopelessly archaic
and anachronistic in the ears of the higher echelons of the globalist
elite in any case - does not extend beyond the electoral mobilization
of a romantic-nostalgic dissident ‘vocal minority’. A minimum of
political instinct and common sense is sufficient to understand that
the bourgeois elite will never solve the problems that it has created
in the first place: its nihilist materialism, spineless opportunism,
existential relativism and narcissist conditioning preclude any
positive role for the bourgeois intelligentsia.
The awkward and ineffective combination of long-serving populists and
newly-dissident intelligentsia now mirrored in the de facto Dutch
parliamentary PVV-FVD alliance will be unable to dislodge the Western
political establishment. The ‘alt light’ analysis of the
political establishment as a ‘party cartel’ combination of
ex-right neo-liberalism and ex-left cultural-marxism is correct, but
a diagnosis does not equal a therapy. The political cartel - which in
the Netherlands includes not only the half-plus-one governing
coalition, but also the entire Social Justice Warrior opposition - is
backed by much larger interests: ruthless financiers, greedy bankers,
parasitical bureaucrats, cynical asylum profiteers,
malignant-narcissist system journalists and comfortable consensus
academicians. This ‘hostile elite’, safely entrenched in a
matriarchal-xenophile power apparatus of semi-totalitarian
proportions and permanently reinforced from a perpetually
self-renewing reserve of resentful ‘feminist’, ‘minority’ and
‘gender’ activists, will not simply give up the privileges that
it has gained over half a century of globalist ‘open borders’,
neoliberal ‘privatization’, feminist ‘emancipation’ and
ethnic ‘affirmative action’. The hostile elite’s stranglehold
over the electoral balance and the system media virtually precludes
the possibility of ‘democratic’ change. The ideological strength
of the hostile elite resides in its pathological - sub-rational, even
anti-rational - demophobia and oikophobia: its militantly globalist,
cosmopolitan and universalist discourse, increasingly openly
anti-male, anti-national and even anti-white - allows it to mobilize
the forces of ‘Gog and Magog’. The hostile elite can always find
new ‘disadvantaged’ groups to assault enemy targets that it
identifies as ‘privileged’: women against men, young people
against old people, homosexuals against heterosexuals, poor people
against rich people, alien populations against indigenous
populations, Muslims against Christians and non-whites against
whites. At a global level, the hostile elite can draw on an
inexhaustible supply of low-against-high resentment - it can mobilize
quantity against quality. In the final analysis, this is the reason
that the hostile elite is opting for an open Flucht nach vorne,
at the national and international level. If its neo-kalergian
Umvolkung project can no longer be achieved through
disingenuous ‘illegal immigration’, it can simply switch to open
legal immigration (‘labour migration’, ‘asylum quotas’). If
its globalist superstate project ‘Europe’ can no longer be
achieved through subsidy-for-sovereignty bribes, it can simply switch
to open blackmail (‘sanctions’ against the Visegrad block, ‘no
deal’ for Brexit-Britain). This is why it is highly unlikely that a
democratic opposition such as the Dutch patriotic combination
PVV-FVD, forced to operate on a hopelessly unequal playing field of
‘cartel politics’, bureaucratic sabotage and trans-national
power-transfers, will ever be able to pose a substantial threat to
the deeply-entrenched and globally-operating hostile elite. The
Culture Nihilist voyage au bout de la nuit of the Western
peoples can only end when the rules of the political game are
fundamentally questioned - and altered in accordance with the
interests and needs of the indigenous peoples of the West. A true and
worthy ‘Guardian of the Threshold’ can only effectively exercise
its duties if it is properly equipped for these duties, and if these
duties are no longer the subject of a politically-correct taboo.
The Night Watch
I wait for the Lord, my soul doth wait, and in his word do I hope.
My soul waiteth for the Lord more than they that watch for the
morning.
- Psalm 130:5-6
Thus, the question arises as to who and what can still constitute the
‘Night Watch’ that can save the Western peoples from certain
destruction? Who and what can still save them from the dead marshes
of globalist Umvolkung, neoliberal debt-slavery and
matriarchal-xenophile idiocracy? To answer this question, it is
necessary to return to the basic notion of the ‘threshold’ that
needs a ‘guardian’: it is necessary to know what needs to be
protected before the guardian function can be defined. It logically
follows that there may exist a ‘Guardian of the Threshold’ in all
spheres of life:
It is the oncologist who carefully calibrates the ultimate
chemotherapy for a patient: he guards the border of our health. It is
the fireman who puts his life in danger to save a child: he guards
the border of our safety. It is the security guard who deters the
thief, night after night, in rain and snow: he guards the border of
our property. It is the judge who locks up the child killer for life:
he guards the border of our justice system. It is the policeman who
puts a bullet in the leg of the knife-wielding terrorist: he guards
the border of our law. It is the soldier who pursues the terror
master into the heart of Central Asia: he guards the border of our
civilization. It is the whistleblower who exposes government and
corporate corruption at the highest level: he guards the border of
our morality. It is the learned biologist who writes about
‘inconvenient’ genetic truths: he guards the border of our truth.
It is the ‘controversial’ historian who exposes forgotten and
hidden facts: he guards the border of our historical consciousness.
It is the politician who pays the ultimate price for his patriotism:
he guards the border of our nationhood.
In the pre-modern world of the authentic Western Tradition there
never existed any doubt as to the identity of the Guardians of the
Threshold. The protection of the borders of the realm and the nation
was the task of the Monarch and the Nobility: it was their duty to
defend them at all cost and with all means at their disposition -
they were required to lay down their lives for the realm and the
nation that they were meant to defend. Thus, William the Silent,
Father of the Nation to the Dutch, paid with his life for his
unwavering defence of his adopted people.viii
Throughout the ages, countless other noblemen paid with their lives
in fulfilment of their duty: this sacrifice conveniently has been
forgotten by those modernist ideologues that scoff at the ‘undeserved
privileges’ of the nobility - the highest privilege of the nobleman
was to die for king and fatherland on the field of honour. But noble
notions of honour and courage are inevitably beyond the grasp of the
modern elites - they are incompatible with the experiential
conditioning that creates a ‘bonus banker’, a ‘cartel
politician’, a ‘system journalist’ and a ‘tenured
academician’. Even the most basic sense of social responsibility
and professional duty towards tax-paying and law-abiding citizens are
lacking in this hostile elite. The neo-liberal cabal that is
administering the ex-Netherlands narco-state/tax colony on behalf of
the globalist New World Order and the European superstate has now
degenerated into a caricature regime on the corruption level of a
banana republic dictatorship. Whereas the late 19th and
early 20th Century ruling class of the Netherlands was
bound to keep up a minimum pretence at responsible government in
their capacity as ‘patricians’,ix
after the soixante-huitards’ ‘long march through the
institutions’ political power has been irredeemably compromised at
the hands of a ‘counterfeit elite of illusionists’.x
The last remnants of the Netherlands’ ship-wrecked ‘political
consciousness’ are now reduced to the improvised political
constructs of the PVV and FVD - these are simply unable to redeem the
foundering of the Dutch ship of state. Undoubtedly, the simplistic
islamophobia of the PVV and the respectable civic nationalism of the
FVDxi
are based on a sincere concern for the predicament of the Dutch
people, but they do not offer more than a superficial treatment for
mere symptoms – they leave the much deeper disease of Culture
Nihilism untreated. Dutch conservative politician Kees van der
Staaijxii
was correct in characterizing PVV-leader Geert Wilders as the
‘watchdog of the Dutch farmyard’. Dutch Philosophy of Law
Professor Paul Cliteurxiii
was correct in supporting FVD-leader Thierry Baudet as an emergency
brake on the derailing train of Dutch civilization. But, from the
outset, anachronistic - militantly secular, paleo-libertarian -
reference frames and compromised parliamentary practices are
condemning the political approaches of the PVV and FVD to defeat.
The same applies to all judicial and economic approaches that limit
themselves to combating the symptoms of Culture Nihilism: if their
cause - the overall societal ‘vision’ and the larger
institutional framework of Culture Nihilism - is not addressed, then
all well-intended and well-considered treatments are bound to fail.
The power of Culture Nihilism depends on two twin pillars: the
absolute hegemony of its historical-materialist ‘constructivist’
world-view (which unites its libertarian and cultural-marxist
strands) and the absolute power of its ‘progressive’ institutions
(which include ‘cartel politics’ as well as the ‘independent
judiciary’). If this overall Culture Nihilist framework is left in
place, legal and economic stop-gap measures are bound to fail. Thus,
mere legal measures - e.g. combating the legal insecurity and
inequality caused by ‘discrimination legislation’ or abolishing
compulsory ethnic ‘diversity’ in workplace and housing policy -
have some merit in themselves, but they fail to address the larger
problem of the incompatibility of Western law (based on individual
freedom and responsibility) in non-Western cultural setting.
Similarly, mere economic measure - e.g. selective immigration
according to professional qualification, extra taxes for immigrants,
partial exclusion of immigrants from social security - have some
merit in themselves, but they fail to address the larger problem of
basic correlations such as the link between Western ethnic
homogeneity and Western socioeconomic stability and the link between
ideologically-imposed multicultural ‘diversity’ and
fiscally-enforced inter-ethnic resource transfers. Only a persistent
exercise in ‘thinking outside the box’, i.e. corrective thinking
that extends beyond the boundaries of the contemporary Western
political, judicial and socioeconomic model, and a decisive
application of political power, i.e. a suppression of absolutist
‘economic thinking’ and unfettered ‘personal freedom’, can
still save the Netherlands - and Western civilization as a whole -
from utter destruction. ‘Business as usual’ equals the fire sale
of Dutch state authority and the slave auction of the Dutch people.
The Netherlands - and the West as a whole - is in dire need of a new
‘Night Watch’.
The changing of the guard
Luctor et emergoxiv
The historical task of the ‘Night Watch’, to guard the peoples of
the West through the dark time of the Crisis of the Post-modern West,
is now falling to the brand new patriotic-identitarian movement of
the West - its inspiration is a vision of a double Archaeo-Futurist
and Identitarian Revolution and its power is in an idealistic
supra-national alliance against the cynical trans-national
forces of Culture Nihilism. There simply is no other candidate for
the position of ‘Night Watch’ - nothing and nobody else will come
to the rescue of the Western peoples. But the patriotic-identitarian
movement is nothing by and in itself: the peoples of the West will
have to invest it with the power to represent and lead - and they
will have to rely on their own strength to realize the
patriotic-identitarian program. A confederative Eurasianist alliance
between all European peoples - standing together one for all and all
for one - is useful and even necessary, but it will not be enough:
the Western peoples will first have to be reborn in a self-surpassing
metamorphosis, each one for itself. The only alternative is the
destruction of the West - the West is facing a stark choice. A
patriotic-identitarian ‘Delta Plan’xv
- to use a phrase that is symbolically significant in the Dutch
context - against the deluge of neoliberal globalism and
cultural-marxist Umvolkung requires a historical paradigm
shift that breaks with established patterns of thinking and acting.
It also requires a historical effort that matches the greatest
achievements of the Western peoples. For the Dutch people, this means
that must live up to the high standards once set by their brave
ancestors, who liberated themselves from physical tyranny and
spiritual bondage in a titanic eighty year War of Independence. But
if the Dutch people should learn one lesson from their history it is
this: Yes, we can...
The exorcism of political correctness
We have now sunk to a depth at which restatement of the obvious is
the first duty of intelligent men.
- George Orwell
An effective functionality in the political sphere requires the new
patriotic-identitarian Guard of the Threshold to pursue his
priorities with the utmost tenacity. These priorities are simple: the
restoration of state sovereignty (i.e. the reversal of
trans-national usurpation of power caused by neoliberal globalism,
international treaties and European legislation) and the restoration
of ethnic stability (i.e. the reversal of ethnic replacement
caused by mass-immigration and anti-indigenous anti-natalism). The
political prioritization of these two problems requires a direct and
open discussion of their historical causes. In the presently dominant
Culture Nihilist discourse of ‘political correctness’, however,
these causes are still considered taboo (and a taboo is always
indicative of where the roots of power are located): they are the
intimately related questions of ethnicity and matriarchy.
In the final analysis, the causes of the Postmodern Western problems
of loss of sovereignty and ethnic replacement are of a
psycho-historical nature: they are a function of the
anti-Traditional Culture Nihilist rejection of all forms of authentic
authority and identity. Inevitably, the modernist deconstruction of
all forms of authentic social identity prioritizes its highest
and most complex form: ethnicity. Ethnicity provides the basis
for the mightiest collective power in human history: nationalism
- the greatest enemy of globalist-universalist Modernity. At the same
time, the modernist deconstruction of all forms of authentic social
identity derives its success from its all-out assault on its lowest
and most basic form: gender. This assault is effectuated by a
deregulation, disruption and inversion of the most fundamental
polarity of identity in human life: the male-female divide in all its
physical, psychological and spiritual dimensions. The end result of
this deliberate inversion is social anti-hierarchy and societal
chaos: matriarchy. The maintenance of complex higher social
identities - especially ethnicity - depends on a fixed foundation of
lower social identities - especially gender. The deliberate
deconstruction of natural and cultural gender identity endangers the
entire social construct, starting with the elementary unit of the
nuclear family. The deconstruction of the family means that any
long-term project of combined biological reproduction and cultural
transmission at the larger collective level is doomed to failure:
where there is no family, there can be no people. Thus, matriarchy
equals self-annihilation for all peoples that do not exist in the
total isolation of the hunter-gatherer tribes that once lived in the
wildernesses of the pre-modern world.
Thus, the survival of the Western peoples depends on the (timely)
breaking of the psycho-historical taboos on ethnicity and matriarchy.
The breaking of these taboos is well served by a rational discussion
of the newest scientific insights into the (epi)genetic and
(bio)evolutionary aspects of ethnicity. Bio-evolutionary science
allows ethnicity to be described as a ‘superorganism’: the
overall growth and functionality of this superorganism depend on its
inner capacity for production and organization. The necessary
coordination of these abilities demands directive functionalities
(political authority) and effective specializations (social
hierarchy). These features of authority and hierarchy provide the
ethnic superorganism with supra-individual synergy and symbiotic
excess power. From a cultural-historical perspective, this synergy
and this excess power can be interpreted as - largely subconscious -
‘evolutionary group strategies’. It is important to note that the
bio-evolutionary superorganisms that are cultural-historically known
as ‘nations’ only accept authority and hierarchy to the extent
that they are transfused with transcendent inspiration (‘fate’,
‘mission’) and holistic instinct (the sublimated will to
survive). It is always the specific - biotopically determined and
historically persistent - combination of inspiration and instinct
that defines a nation as a nation. But the essential experiential
reality of nationhood always has one common denominator: unity.
The bruised reed
A bruised reed shall he not break,
and the smoking flax shall he not quench:
he shall bring forth judgment unto truth.
- Isaiah 42:3
What happens if unity is lacking - when what was once bound together
in a sacred bundle falls apart into separate parts? The unbound reed,
the unbound twig, the unbound arrow - they are easily bent, bruised
and broken. He who stands alone, who has no family, no tribe, no
nation - the anonymous, atomised individual of the Postmodern West:
he is the unbound reed that is bruised. The bruised reed: the poor
pensioner who lacks proper care facilities, while fraudulent ‘asylum
seekers’ are given generous housing vouchers. The disabled worker
whose meagre allowance is slashed, while returning jihadists are
given full social security benefits. The youngster who has to pay
back crippling student debt for thirty years, while ‘refugees’
are put in priority queues for ‘targeted’ bursaries and
‘affirmative action’ jobs. The hard-working family that is on a
ten-year waiting list for social housing, while foreign criminals
move into top-location housing directly upon arrival. The redundant
labourer whose benefits are cut-down to subsistence level after some
months, while ‘minority’ candidates are preferentially employed
in soft-cushioned government jobs. The policeman who is always facing
the terrorist threat, while corrupt ‘radicalisation consultants’
are getting fat subsidies for paper ‘citizenship projects’. They
are the bruised reeds of the Postmodern West, hopelessly divided
amongst themselves by their so-called ‘individual’ problems.
Where there is division, there others can rule: where the people are
divided, there the hostile elite can rule. The hostile elite of the
West hates the people, it despises the people and it divides the
people - to rule over them. It divides them into so-called ‘free
individuals’, defined as ‘autonomous citizens’ and ‘calculating
consumers’ - it encourages them to indulge in egoistic ‘profit
calculus’ and narcissist ‘individualism’. It destroys rural and
neighbourhood communities through enforced ‘labour mobility’ as
it deprives provincial youngsters of work opportunities and as it
forces ‘multiculturalism’ on urban families, causing ‘white
flight’. It destroys the Western nations through selectively
anti-natalistic policies for culturally vulnerable indigenous peoples
(permissive ‘abortion’ laws, single-mother subsidies,
preferential tax arrangements for working mothers) and simultaneous
ethnic replacement programs (‘labour migration’, ‘refugee’
influx, child benefits) - policies and programs paid for by the
indigenous peoples themselves. The hostile elite feels secure and
thinks it is now undisputed lord and master over the indigenous
peoples of the West - it assumes it has broken them. It sees the
indigenous reed bruised - it thinks the light has departed from the
eyes of the Western peoples.
‘Yes we can’
Aut viam inveniam aut faciam
- Hannibal Barca
The hostile elite is mistaken - it has miscalculated, as it
miscalculated with ‘Brexit’ in Britain and ‘Trump’ in
America. It may have won a battle - even many battles - but it has
not yet won the war. Still it is possible to re-unite the divided
reeds of the West and bind them together into a formidable weapon of
war. The name of this weapon is unity.
Now's the time for all good men
to get together with one another.
We got to iron out our problems
and iron out our quarrels
and try to live as brothers.
And try to find a piece of land
without stepping on one another.
...We got to make this land a better land
than the world in which we live.
...I know we can make it.
I know darn well we can work it out.
Yes we can can
We got to iron out our problems
and iron out our quarrels
and try to live as brothers.
And try to find a piece of land
without stepping on one another.
...We got to make this land a better land
than the world in which we live.
...I know we can make it.
I know darn well we can work it out.
Yes we can can
- The Pointer Sisters (1973, Barack Obama 12 years of age)
The vision of the new self-surpassing unity that inspires the
Dutch patriotic-identitarian movement is not the utterly un-Dutch
fasces of bound rods and axes - now less associated with the
Roman Imperium than with Italian fascism - but rather the old-Dutch
arrow bundle in the sinister paw of the Dutch States Lion.
‘Broken Arrow’
Concordia res parvae crescuntxvi
In a recent speech, the chairman of Working Group IDNL compared the
present struggle between the patriotic-identitarian movement and the
hostile elite throughout the Western world with the twenty-year
Vietnam War (1955-75) - a war in which ‘underdog’ Vietnam managed
to inflict a decisive defeat on superpower America. To expand on this
theme, and to conclude this essay, it is useful to investigate more
closely the decisive role that the factor ‘unity’ played on both
sides at a tactical and strategic level.
Instinctively, Western Europeans will sympathise with the American
side in the Vietnam War, even if in that war America was on the
‘wrong side’ of history - perhaps not only according to
cultural-marxist doctrine, but also in reality (even a stopped clock
tells the right time one time per day). During the Second World War,
it was America that played a decisive role in liberating Western
Europe from Nazi-German occupation - this experience automatically
defines America as being at ‘right side’ of history in the eyes
of older generations of Western Europeans. Additionally, the Vietnam
War is largely known to Western Europeans through the American
literary and cinematographic lens. Thus, Western Europeans will tend
to be sympathetic to the G.I.’s that bled and died on the other
side of the world under the self-denying motto ‘my country, right
or wrong’. An interesting movie of a later and less self-hating
generation than that of Francis Coppola’s Apocalypse Now (1979),
Oliver Stone’s Platoon (1986) and Stanley Kubrick’s Full
Metal Jacket (1987) is Randall Wallace’s We Were Soldiers
(2002): Wallace’s choice of controversial actor Mel Gibson
for the lead role typifies his cultural-historical iconoclasm. We
Were Soldiers focusses on the Battle of the Ia Drang, near the
Cambodian border but just inside Vietnam - this was the first major
direct engagement between America and North-Vietnam (November 1965).
There, an American unit of airborne troops, including parts of the
(in)famous 7th Cavalry Regiment (known from Custer’s
‘last stand’ at the Little Bighorn in June 1876), is dropped into
a new forward position - it literally becomes the farthest advanced
‘border guard’ of America’s world empire. But the unsuspecting
Americans have walked into a trap: their landing zone is located
right next to the home base of a numerically far superior North
Vietnamese force, hidden in dense jungle undergrowth and an elaborate
network of deeply-dug tunnels. Immediately after landing, the
Americans find themselves in a life-and-death struggle as furious
enemy assaults threaten them from all sides. In the unequal fight
they first - barely - manage to maintain their perimeter, but at ten
to eight in the morning of 15 November 1965 they are finally
overwhelmed by an all-out Vietnamese offensive, characterized by
brutal ‘human wave’ attacks and ferocious hand-to-hand combat -
surrender is no option because the Vietnamese kill even the unarmed
and helpless wounded. At that moment the American commander opts for
a weapon of last resort: he shouts the code word ‘Broken Arrow’
into the radio and calls upon the American air force to attack his
own perimeter - to bomb his own position in the American equivalent
of the Japanese Kamikaze. As hundreds of American bombers
intervene over the next hour, a predictable bloodbath ensues: the
Vietnamese assault is literally wiped away, together with sections of
the American defence - it is the starting point of America’s
subsequent ‘body count’ strategy. But by this stratagem, the
American outpost is saved at the last moment - over the next days its
survivors destroy their decimated enemy and are then safely
evacuated.
The lesson of We Were Soldiers for the patriotic-identitarian
movement is clear: the struggle of the American advance guard at the
Ia Drang illustrates the quintessential task of the ‘border guard’.
The border guard is per definition exposed to great danger and he is
required to courageously hold his position when he is attacked. He
must gain time: sound the alarm and hold on until relieved by the
rear guard - in the case of the American advance guard on the Ia
Drang it was the American air force that constituted the rear guard.
There, the timely coordination of advance guard and rear guard
allowed the Americans to win a substantial tactical victory - it was
the operational unity of America’s various armed forces that
saved them from what seemed to be certain destruction. The lesson of
all history - military history, political history, social history -
is clear: unity is strength. What is the lesson that can be
learnt from this (hi)story by the Western patriotic-identitarian
movement? It is this: that it has the historical duty to serve as the
‘border guard’ and advance guard of the Western peoples in their
struggle against their hostile elite and that this duty involves
grave responsibility and great sacrifice. What, then, is its rear
guard in this struggle? The answer to this question is easy: it is
the Western population itself - the ‘common people’ of the West.
In the Netherlands, this is the Dutch common people. When this
people, the same people that brought down the Spanish global empire,
humiliated the English navy, fought off the French Sun King,xvii
ruled the world’s oceans and created a world empire when they were
only two million strong, rises up with twelve million, then no task
is too great and nothing will withstand it. Then swift justice will
befall terrorists, jihadists, illegals, drug mobsters, ‘lover
boys’,xviii
asylum fraudsters, social security cheats and street criminals. All
throughout the West, the patriotic-identitarian movement must do its
duty as an advance guard and a ‘border guard’ - the Western
peoples will complete its task.
The Vietnamese side of the Vietnam War also has an important lesson
to teach: that whenever and wherever a people rise up as one man
against occupation and tyranny, it can not be defeated. This basic
instinct of self-preservation and self-defence gives such a people an
absolute right and their cause an absolute
righteousness, making it unconquerable. This insight is most
powerfully expressed in Holy Scripture: If God be for us, who can
be against us? (Romans 8:31). With this truth in mind, it is
useful to think about Vietnam’s strategy during the Vietnam War:
the strategy of the people’s war. It is a strategy that is
not merely military in nature, but also political - it is this
political component that should guide the patriotic-identitarian
movement in its struggle with the hostile elite.
Vo Nguyen Giap, Vietnam’s greatest strategist, said this: The
American soldiers were brave, but courage is not enough. David did
not kill Goliath just because he was brave. He looked up at Goliath
and realized that if he fought Goliath’s way with a sword, Goliath
would kill him. But if he picked up a rock and put it in his sling,
he could hit Goliath in the head and knock Goliath down and kill him.
David used his mind when he fought Goliath. So did we Vietnamese when
we had to fight the Americans.
(*) Notes on the 15 September 2018 presentation of Working Group
IDNLxix
i
For a sketch of the historical genesis of Cultural Nihilism in the
Dutch context, cf.
https://www.geopolitica.ru/en/article/dutch-ernstfall
. For an analysis of the macro-historical context of Cultural
Nihilism, cf.
https://www.cambridgescholars.com/the-sunset-of-tradition-and-the-origin-of-the-great-war
(introductory remarks freely accessible under the button ‘View
Extract’).
iii
Alexander Wolfheze, ‘Hellstorm: Ten Western Perspectives on the
Eurasian Project’, Journal
of Eurasian Affairs
2018-1.
v
Julius Evola, Rivolta contro il mondo moderno. For a useful
summary of Evola’s analysis of the ‘Regression of the Castes’
cf. https://juliusevola.co/#jp-carousel-131
vii
For a summary overview of the Dutch parliamentary landscape cf.
https://www.geopolitica.ru/en/article/dutch-democracy-warning-history
viii
William the Silent, Count of Nassau-Dillenburg, Prince of Orange
(1533-84) and ancestor of present King Willem-Alexander of the
Netherlands, was stadtholder of the provinces of Holland, Zeeland,
Utrecht and Friesland and led of the Dutch Revolt against King
Philip II of Spain. As an enemy of the Counter-Reformative
repression and Absolutist despotism, he was assassinated after being
outlawed by the King of Spain.
ix
This term covers approximately the same social class as the regenten
of the older Dutch Republic - this originally non-noble elite
makes up the semi-hereditary urban ruling class of the Dutch state,
although some members of the old republican mercantile elite were
ennobled during the 19th Century. Those who are non-noble
tend to think of themselves as co-equal with the nobility,
especially as some branches of intermarried with the nobility – a
sentiment not shared by anybody else.
x
A term coined by PVV politician Martin Bosma – he has made his
book De schijn-élite van de valsemunters (2010) freely
available on line at
https://gratis-boek.nl/martin-bosma-de-schijn-elite-van-de-valsemunters/
xi
For a short introduction to contemporary ‘civic nationalism’ in
the Netherlands, cf. ‘What, Dutch nationalism? Why not just be
‘normaal’?’ http://www.identitair.com/
xii
Parliamentary foreman of the Netherlands’ oldest political party,
the Christian-conservative SGP.
xiii
Director of the FVD’s scientific bureau, a well-known publicist
and critic of Cultural Marxism.
xiv
The motto of the Dutch province of Zeeland, referring to its
constant struggle against the sea.
xv
The system of dams, levees and storm surge barriers in and around
the Rhine-Meuse-Scheldt delta conceived in the wake of the
disastrous North Sea Flood of 1953 and completed in 1997, after
forty years of work.
xvi
The motto of the old Dutch Republic, referring to its dual status as
a confederation of sovereign ‘provinces’ and a ‘nation-state’
project.
xvii
References to, respectively, the Eighty Years’ (or: Dutch
Independence) War (1568-1648), the Second Anglo-Dutch War (1665-67)
and the Franco-Dutch War (1672-78).
xviii
In the Netherlands, ‘lover boy’ is a politically-correct
euphemism that describes the same ‘grooming gang’ phenomenon
that is terrorizing Great Britain.